Reflection of the history of the Tajiks during Mongolian period in the scientific heritage of Academician V. V.
Шарофуддинов, Сухроб. Reflection of the history of the Tajiks during Mongolian period in the scientific heritage of Academician V. V. / Сухроб Шарофуддинов. — Текст : непосредственный // Молодой ученый. — 2017. — № 14 (148). — С. 172-177. — URL: https://moluch.ru/archive/148/41439/ (дата обращения: 01.08.2021).
In this article highlight about contribution of scientific on researching medieval history in XIII-XIV centuries. The main feats of academician V. V. Bartold in that on his works «Essays of history of Haftrud», «Peoples movement in Samarkand in 1365», «The history of Turkistan», «Turkistan in era of the Mongols invader» and so on.
Key words: V. V. Bartold, mongols, Samarkand, Central Asia, contribution, invader, Chengiz- Khan, Bukhara
В статье освещается вклад В. В. Бартольда в разработку отечественной средневековой истории в XIII-XIV вв. Заслуга В. В. Бартольда в том, что в своих работах «Очерк истории Семиречья», «Народное движение в Самарканде 1365 г»., «История Туркестана», «К вопросу о феодализме в Иране», «Туркестан в эпоху монгольского нашествия», и других ученый всесторонне осветил историю Центральной Азии в период монгольского нашествия.
Ключевые слова: В. В. Бартольд, монголы, Самарканд, Центральная Азия, вклад, захватчики, Чингизхан, Бухара
The history of Central Asia, including Tajikistan, during the period of the Mongol invasion and domination has found its full coverage and in such works V. V. Bartold. As An Essay on the History of the Seven Rivers, The People's Movement in Samarkand in 1365, The Persian Inscription on the Wall of the Ani Print of Manuche, History of the Study of the East in Europe and Russia, History of Turkestan, Tajiks, Feudalism in Iran and in some others.
It should be noted that the top of Oriental studies is unquestionably the work of V. V. Turkestan in the era of the Mongol invasion. This fundamental work highlights the Mongol wars in Central Asia during their invasion, an extremely accurate picture of the dramatic and tragic events that took place in Maverannahr and part of Khorasan during the period under investigation. V. V. Bartold pointed out that the Mongolian invasion was written by historians of all countries conquered or devastated by the Mongols. Thus, he notes that from Muslim historians, three contemporaries wrote about the Mongol invasion Ibn al-Asir in his famous chronicle, Minhaj Addin Abu Omar Osman b. Siraj ad-din Muhammad al-Juzdzhani in the Nasir tables and Shihab ad-din Muhammad b. Ahmed al-Nasawi in the Life of the Sultan Jalal ad-Din Manguberdi.
In the opinion of Academician V. V. Bartold, none of the three authors gave a complete history of the campaigns of Genghis Khan and its generals. All of them were put in such conditions that they could learn only part of the events of this troubling time. Ibn al-Assir lived in Mesopotamia and could not gather detailed information about what was happening in Turkestan, only about certain events, namely about the capture of Samarkand, he says from the words of eyewitnesses.
Juzdzhani, born in 5891193, was in the service of the Ghurids princes. About those events that took place in Afghanistan, they were told in particular detail. In the defense of one fortress, he took a personal part. In 1227, the author moved to India, where he later held the post of chief kaziah and where in 6581280 he wrote his book. Some of the three historians do not say about certain campaigns, for example, about Juchi's march from Otrar down the Syr Darya. A very short account of the history of the Mongols from Chingiz Khan to Khulagu is given by Nasir ad-din Tusi (died in 1274) at the beginning of his Ziji Ilkhani.
According to V. V. Bartold full review of Mongolian campaigns gives in his book The History of the Conqueror of the World Ala ad-din Ata- Melik b. Muhammad Juvaini (died in 6811283). The Orientalist notes that the book was written in the same year as the book of Juzjani, but by age the author was much younger and can not be counted among contemporaries of the Mongol invasion. He could, however, still use the stories of older contemporaries. Juvaini's work embodies the history of the Mongols before the hulagu campaign against the Ismailis. In some manuscripts, the chapter on the conquest of Baghdad was added as a continuation of the book (zayl-i kitab). In addition, Juvaini included in his work the history of the dynasty of Khorezmshah, where part of the book relates to the conquest by Mongols of Maverannahr and Khorasan.
Juvaini's huge advantage over Rashid ad-Din and Vassaf is that he (Juvaini) lived back in the era of the unity of the Mongolian empire and personally visited Turkestan, Uyguriyah and Mongolia. In his story, he tried, as far as his sources allowed, to set forth the history of the whole empire. Rashid ad-din and Vassof paid attention mainly to the history of the Mongolian state in Persia and, in part, to China, allied with it. Juvaini already used the oral stories of the Mongols, perhaps also some kind of records, some of his expressions directly point to the Mongolian source, where he used the written Mongolian sources Rashid al-Din more extensively.
Thus, being a huge scholar in the original sources and in the literature on the history of the Mongols, V. V. Bartold for the first time gave a multilateral characterization of the Mongolian states, and none of his predecessors did. Having the full opportunity to directly draw materials from Persian, Arabic and Turkish sources, as well as materials of medieval authors in European languages, he also took into account all the historians and philologists made before him in the study of Mongol and Chinese chronicles and legends. Even greater merit of V. V. Bartold is that he gave a scientific description of the campaigns of Genghis Khan to Central Asia and Iran almost completely. In this area, the work of V. V. Bartold is still unbeaten.
Academician V. V. Bartold emphasizes that Khorezm was not prepared for defense, since on the eve of the Mongol invasion in the state of Khorezmshah a kind of anarchy developed the absolute ruler was Khorezmshah Sultan Ala ud-din Muhammad, but in reality latter was completely subordinate to his mother Turken Khatun, which in the internal and external political affairs of the state was the second sovereign, and in some issues confronted her son. Orders and decrees of the Sultan were often canceled by the all-powerful Turken-Khatun, becoming not valid. She could solve any issues at her own discretion and issue decrees on her behalf. And indeed, as Academician V. V. Bartold, the internal situation of the state of Khorezmshah on the eve of the invasion of the Mongols was far from brilliant. In Khorezm, including in the capital of the state-Urgenj, under the rule of Turken-Khatun, Muhammad's power was virtually not recognized. Relying on written sources, the scientist gives a detailed description of the Mongol invasion of Central Asia.
V. V. Bartold writes that in 1218 in Maverannahr appeared three Muslims ambassadors of Mongol khan, one of whom was from Khorezm, the other from Bukhara, and the third from Otrar. They were instructed to convey to Khorezmshah on behalf of their lord rich gifts and to declare to him that the khan considers him equally the most expensive of his sons. Muhammad should have been insulted by such treatment, since the word son in relations between sovereigns, as in East Asia, and in the Muslim world denotes a vassal dependence. In this connection V. V. Bartold believes that it is doubtful that Genghis Khan wanted to intentionally offend Khorezmshah and make the war inevitable. In this case, the gap between two sovereigns could not have been caused by this incident. Muhammad expressed displeasure not during the audience itself, but only the next night in conversation with one ambassador.2 Received a satisfactory explanation from the latter and dismissed the embassy with a favorable response.
V. V. Bartold notes that the arrived Mongolian trade caravan consisted of 450 people, exclusively Muslims. At the head of the caravan were four merchants Omar-Khoja from Otrar, Hammal from Merag (in Azerbaijan), Fahr ad-Din Dizeki from Bukhara and Amin ad-din from Herat. However, the merchants were killed in the border town of Otrar, and their goods were looted. In the opinion of V. V. Bartold unknown motives summary! Whether this was caused by the greed of the ruler of the city or committed at the behest of the sultan, as in no one source is there any claim that the merchants themselves brought upon themselves misfortune, for example by espionage or defiant behavior. As a result, Genghis Khan, through another embassy, demanded satisfaction; Muhammad ordered the death of these ambassadors or at least one of them.
Thus, a campaign against the empire of Khorezmshah became inevitable. Genghis Khan undertook a campaign in Maverannahr with an army of 600 or 700 thousand people. The scientist notes that these figures are greatly exaggerated and that the number of the core of the Mongolian troops, who took part in the war against Khorezmshah, in all probability was slightly more than 70,000 people. Somewhat larger could be a contingent of subordinate peoples, two Muslim sovereigns Arslan Khan, the prince of the Karluks, and Sugnak-Tegin, the ruler of Almalik, who, with their detachments, were also compelled to fight on the side of the Mongols against their co-religionists.
V. V. Bartold believes that the total number of Mongols and their allies hardly exceeded 200,000 people. The army of Khorezmshah was undoubtedly more numerous than the Mongolian army. But some parts of this army did not act in concert with their sovereign, nor with the other. Therefore, they could not resist the troops commanded by Genghis Khan and his generals. According to calculations made by scientists, the beginning of the Mongol conquest and siege Otrar belong to September 1219. Chingiz-khan defined the strategic and tactical significance of Otrar and the eastern gate, defined Jend, Benaket and Khujand in the Syr Darya as a dividing line between Muslims and incorrect Turks, revealed the role of Bukhara, which was important at the junction of the lands of Khorezm, Khorasan and Maverannahr. Therefore, in Otrar, he made the first division of his armed forces into four factions and sent them to the named objects part of the army gave to his sons Uktai and Chagatai — for the siege of Otrar. The other part, under the command of Juchi, was sent down the Syr Darya (towards Jend), a small detachment (5000 men) — up the river to Benaket and Khujand. Genghis Khan and his son Tuluy and the main forces went to Bukhara.
In Otrar, as Academician V. V. Bartold, before the fall of the city, local representative of civil authority Bedr ad-din Amid, deputy Safi Akra, went over to the side of Genghis Khan. His father and uncle were Qazis in Otrar and together with other relatives were executed at the capture of Otrar by the Sultan. From Badr-ad-Din Chingiz-khan received detailed information about the political state of the country, about the hostility of the Turkan-Khatun and the military party of the Sultan, than he later used for his own purposes. Genghis Khan and his sons were accompanied by Muslim merchants who served as mediators between the Mongols and population and introduced the Mongols to local conditions.
V. V. Bartold believes that the beginning of the siege of Otrar refers to September 1219. Referred to the reports of Juvaini, he wrote that Otrar defended for five months, his citadel one more month (until March 1220). The scientist quotes Nesaevi that Inal Khan had solid reasons to fear for his own fate and therefore defended himself to the last extreme, although under his command there were only 20,000 horsemen and Juvaini Sultan (Muhammad) gave him 50,000 people of external troops. When the citadel was taken, all of its defenders died. Inal Khan himself fled to the roof of one building and, having lost all his arrows, threw bricks into the Mongols. The Mongols evidently had orders to take him prisoner alive, surrounded him, tied him up and sent him to Genghis Khan in Kak-sarai, where he was subjected to a brutal execution.
After the capture of Otrar, the Mongolian detachments, having accomplished the task set before them, moved to the southwest and joined the Genghis Khan, who then blocked Samarkand. In the opinion of V. V. Bartold, the main forces of Genghis Khan passed from Otrar through the Kizilkum desert to Nur-Ata and from there to Bukhara and Samarkand. Genghis Khan went to the fortress Zernuk, and there were several Turkmen who conducted the Mongols on an unknown road to Nur. Nur was approached by the vanguard of the Mongolian army under the command of Tair-Bahadur. At night, the Mongols passed through the gardens belonging to the inhabitants of the city. In Central Asia, residents used these gardens in the summer. Tair ordered the Mongols to cut down the trees and prepare stairs for them (for the siege of the fortress). Residents took the Mongols for the trade caravan and noticed their mistake only when the first detachments approached the city. Tahir suggested that the residents surrender.
Genghis Khan approached the fortress of Zernuk (Kasaba). He turned to the residents who had taken shelter in the fortress with an appeal to surrender and express humility. A group of young courageous people decided to resist and protect the fortress. The appeal of the Mongolian Ambassador Donishmend-Khadjib with the call for peacefully obeyed had an effect on the inhabitants of the fortress, and those who wanted to resist were suppressed by supporters of the surrender of the fortress. So the conquest of Zernuk happened peacefully, in the absence of proper resistance of its defenders and Genghis Khan acquired a strategically important fortress with the settlement adjoining it. By his order the population of Zernuk was driven to the steppe, young people were appointed for siege work.
The inhabitants cleared the city, taking with them only life supplies, agricultural implements and cattle after that their houses were plundered by the Mongols. Genghis Khan, after his arrival, demanded from residents only the payment of a sum of 1500 dinars, corresponding to the amount of taxes levied with Nur by the Sultan's government.
V. V. Bartold notes that Genghis Khan approached Bukhara in February 1220, and not in March, as Juvaini said. Raising the question of the strength of the Bukhara garrison, he writes that it requires specification. So, as in the mountainside, according to Juzjani, there were 12,000 horsemen, Juvaini -20,000, Nesiev-30,000. In his work, V.V. quotes Nesaevi that the chiefs of Bukhara were Ikhtiyar ad-din Kushla, the stable of the sultan and Inanch-khan Ogul-khadjib. Juvaini calls from other commanders Hamid-Pur (kara-Kitay, taken prisoner in the battle of 1220 and transferred to the service of Khorezmshah), Suyuch-khan and no one Gurkhan. Three days after the siege began, the army under the command of Inanche khan decided to leave the city and paved its way through the ranks of the Mongols. After that, the Mongols began to pursue the fleeing. Inanch-khan, only with a very small part of his troops managed to cross the Amu Darya. Hamid-Pur fell in this battle.
V. V. Bartold writes that the Mongols entered the city according to Ibn al-Asir on the 10th, according to Juzjani on February 16 (1220). The protection of the citadel (Bukhara) continued for another 12 days. According to Juvaini, more than thirty thousand people were killed in the capture of the Bukhara citadel. Academician V. V. Bartold believed that this figure number of people killed clearly overstated and he justified K. D, Ossson, who rejected Juvaini's data on the number of people exterminated by the Mongols during the storming of the Bukhara citadel.
However, Academician V. V. Bartold notes that after the capture of Bukhara there were only 400 horsemen in it. The inhabitants had to get the Mongols all the supplies prepared for the Sultan's army and fill them with the ditch of the citadel. After taking it, all the defenders were killed. Rich merchants had to give out the silver they had bought from Khorezmshah after the Otrar disaster. All the inhabitants, taking with them only those clothes that were on them, were to leave the city. Their property was plundered by the Mongols. Whoever defied the order remained in the city was killed. Genghis Khan demanded that the residents draw up a list of the main persons and elders of the city. They turned to their money demands. After plundering the city was burned, only the cathedral mosque survived, some palaces built of burnt bricks.
V. V. Bartold gives an absolutely incredible case, told by Juvaini that as if Genghis Khan ascended to the pulpit established on the square of the city of Bukhara where festive divine services were held. He turned to the townspeople with a speech, where he called himself a scourge of God, sent to the people, to commit punishment for his sins.
Thus, the multi-day battles for defending Bukhara from the side of its defenders and the subjugation of the city, its physical destruction, the moral rout of the population, undertaken by Genghis Khan and his troops were completed. Strong episodes of resistance are clearly distinguished three-day fights of the defenders of the city, a general outcry of the Turkic garrison, pretending to break through the ring of enemy encirclement, but in reality the troops of Khorezmshah, who fled to treacherous flight, who threw Bukhara and its inhabitants into the mouth of a bloodthirsty and ferocious enemy, the heroic twelve-day defense of the Bukhara citadel Defenders of the city, and finally, sudden guerrilla and nocturnal attacks (shabohun) handful of fighters with sworn Mongols. From Bukhara to Samarkand Mongols led With them huge crowds of prisoners, they had to walk on foot following the Mongol cavalry, who was exhausted along the road, they were killed. In his work The History of Turkestan V. V. Bartold writes that Genghis Khan approached Samarkand in March 1220
The number of prisoners increased because of the arrival of Chagatai and Ogedei with crowds taken prisoner by the inhabitants of Otrar. The scientist notes that the total contingent of the Mongolian assembled for the conquest of Samarkand was at least 60 thousand people, and the number of prisoners exceeded 100,000 people. The besieged on the third day made a sortie, which ended in a terrible defeat. The Mongols arranged an ambush for the Muslims and exterminated them to the last man, killing 50,000 (according to Juzdzhani), 70,000 (according to Ibn al-Assir).
V. V. Bartold notes that the siege of the city after the sortie lasted another 10 days, then it was taken. Both the Turks and the townspeople decided to surrender. They sent a position led by Qazi and Sheikh al-Islam. The Mongols entered the city through the gates of Namazgah, (gate of the place of festive prayer) and immediately engaged in the destruction of fortifications. As usual, residents
Were taken out of the city, which was looted. An exception was made for kaziyah, sheikh al-Islam and persons under their protection, the number of which allegedly reached 50 000.2 The Citadel, as in Bukhara, was taken by assault. The Mongols destroyed the Jerdiz canal, destroyed one of the dams so that the water flooded the neighborhood of the citadel and washed away part of its walls. On the night before, Alp-khan (probably identical with Ali-Er-Khan) numbered 1000 soldiers made a sortie, he managed to pass through the ranks of the Mongols and subsequently join forces with the Sultan. The remaining defenders of the citadel, numbering 1,000 people gathered in the cathedral mosque, here they were all killed, and the mosque was burnt. The Turkic soldiers of the Sultan, who were first taken into service by the Mongols, were now surrounded on an equal footing and killed with all their leaders, including Tugay Khan. (According to Juvaini, the soldiers were 30,000, the leaders more than 20).3 30,000 artisans were given to sons and relatives of Genghis Khan, the same number was taken away for siege work. After that, several more times, people were taken away from the city, so that it was almost completely empty. At Chang-Chun, only one-fourth of the former population of the city remained in Samarkand.
V. V. Bartold cites the words of Juvayni that from Benakat the detachment went to Hogend. He also notes that Juvaini, in another place, calls Alak-Noyon one of the two chiefs of the detachment sent by Genghis Khan to Vakhsh and Talkan. In view of this, he notes that it is probable that the five thousandth detachment, after Benaket's capture, returned to Genghis Khan, besieging Samarkand, and that the siege of Khujand was entrusted to a special detachment sent already from Samarkand. V. V. Bartold notes that the main mass, besieging Khujand, consisted of detachments assembled from Otrar, Bukhara, Samarkand and other conquered cities and villages, among 20,000 Mongols and 5,000 prisoners.
The besieged were led by the ruler of Khujand, Timur Malik, who could not restrain himself in the city and strengthened himself with a thousand soldiers on one of the islands of the Syr Darya, located about a verst below Khujand. Here in recent times, a lot of gold, silver and copper coins of different vessels, accessories of household utensils, etc. were found. The island was so far from the shore that it was impossible to shell the fortification with arrows and stones. The Mongols divided the prisoners into dozens and at the head of every two dozen put one Mongol. The prisoners were to bring stones from the mountains, which were in three farces from Khujand. The Mongolian cavalry threw these stones into the river in order to build a dam. Timur Melik built twelve covered boats, covered with raw felt and on top still covered with a layer of clay, impregnated with vinegar, with small holes. Against these boats arrows, fire and oil were powerless. At night and early in the morning defenders of the fortress swam to the shore, attacked the Mongols and destroyed the dam. In the end, Timur-malik still had to leave his island. V. V. Bartold notes that probably the supply of provisions and weapons has come to an end. Reinforcements were not expected by the besieged side. Then Timur malik was forced to leave the city, he sailed on 70 ships down the Syr Darya, broke through the Mongol detachments occupied the banks of the rivers, and left the ships, mounted on horseback to Khorazm.
Timur Malik as early as 1220 made a trek from Khorezm through the steppes adjacent to the eastern coast of the Aral Sea and drove out the detachment of the Juchi corps from the city of Shekhrenty (now the ruins of Jankent), not far from the mouth of the Syr Darya.
V. V. Bartold writes that the troops of Khorezm, numbering ninety thousand people, did not have a single supreme command. In the summer of 1220, when the hero of Khujand Timur-malik arrived in Khorezm, the army acquired a large organizer of the armed forces. The Khwarezmian army withdrew from contention into us-tuffling against the Juchi corps, taking Yangikent (Shekhkent) from the Mongols. The Mongolian chief of the Jihanna beat killed. He noted that disputes over the succession to the throne were impossible without the connection of all forces Khorezmshah military units and residents for defense. But it was enough for the representatives of the dynasty to leave, so that the agreement between the commander was restored.2 The strength of the Mongolian army concentrated on the approaches to Urgench, even before the arrival of the Juchi corps, exceeded 100,000 people. The decisive battle between the defenders of Urgench and the Mongols happened outside the city walls. At a time of siege and bitter fighting in Urgench, Genghis Khan and his army crossed the boundaries of Khorosan through the ferry from Termiz, arrived at Balkh and captured the city and its region. In the interval of time when he began the siege of the fortress the ambassador arrived from his three sons who were in Khorezm. He informed that it was impossible to take Khorezm and there was a lot of Mongolian troops killed. And he said that part of the reason for the war in Khorezm was the mutual disagreement between Juchi and Chaghatay. Juchi's indecisiveness, of course, aroused Chagatai's indignation.
Thus, V.V. exploring the history of the Tajik people in the XIII-XV centuries. On conclusion the Mongol invasion was the largest in its consequences, the conquest movement from East Asia to the West. It was accompanied by the destruction of cities, the extermination and enslavement of the population, the decline of the socio-economic sphere. After the seizure of extensive lands, the Mongols in their conquered territories placed their governors. Most of the representatives of Muslim culture at the Mongolian court were from the cities of Meverennahr.
Assessing the importance of the struggle of the Tajik people under the leadership of Timur-Malik, Academician V. V. Bartold came to the conclusion that the great commander actually thwarted the plans of Genghis Khan to build up the Mongol war aimed at crushing the power of Khorezmshah; Organized heroic resistance of Khujand, which delayed for some time the pace of the Mongol conquest in the direction.
- V. V. Bartold. Essay on the history of the Semirechie. Essay.- P.2.- M.,1964.-p.23–106;
- V. V. Bartold. The People's Movement in Samarkand in 1365. Essay. — P.2.- P.2.- M., 1964.-P.362–379;
- V. V. Bartold. Persian inscription on the wall of the Ani press of Manucha. Essay.-P.4.- M., 1966.-P.313–338;
- V. V. Bartold. History of the study of the East in Europe and Russia. Essay. -P.9.- М., 1977.-P.199–206;
- V. V. Bartold. History of Turkestan. Essay.-T.2.- M.,1964.-P.119–122;
- V. V. Bartold. Tajik. Essay.-P.2.- P.1.- M., 1964.-P.449–468;
- V. V. Bartold. To the question of feudalism in Iran. Essay.-P.7.- M.,1971. -P.459–468 and others.
- V. V. Bartold. Turkestan in the era of the Mongol invasion. Essay.-P.1.- M., 1963.
- V. V. Bartold. Introduction. Sources. The Mongol invasion. Essay.- M., 1963.-P.1.-P.85–88.
- V. V. Bartold. Genghis Khan and the Mongols. Essay.-P.1.- M., 1963.-P.484–485.
- V. V. Bartold. Articles from the Encyclopedia of Islam. Genghis Khan. Essay.-P.5.- M., 1964.-P.623–624.
- Davlatov M. Central Asia on the eve and during the Mongol invasion (1201–1223 gg.) Diss. To the soot. -Dushanbe, 2010.-P.197–200.
- Sharipov R.Ya. Coverage of the history of the Tajik people of the Mongolian period (1219–1380) in Soviet historiography. Diss. To the soot. -Dushanbe, 1998.-P.21.
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